Populist #15
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Deficiencies of Our Current Federal System, continued
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The guiding principle in the creation of
our Constitution was that any power not expressly authorized to
the government was strictly forbidden.
The ninth and tenth amendments, taken together, state clearly
that the Constitution is not meant to be a complete list of the
rights of the People; but does afford a complete list of all powers
expressly entrusted to the federal government. Today the
federal government itself subjectively decides what the meaning of
the Constitution is. It holds a monopoly over the
interpretation of the very document that was created to keep it in
check. Just as Thomas Jefferson once warned, it has, in
actuality, become the sole judge of the limits and extents of its
own powers. The fact to be stated is that the Constitution has
failed in its original purpose. The States and the People, in
practice, are rendered defenseless, and now retain only those rights
and powers which the federal government decides to allow them.
In every free government, the people must give their approval to
the laws by which they are governed. This is truly the
difference between a free government and a despotic one. The
former are governed by the will of the whole, and the latter ruled
by the will of just one or a few. If the people are to give
their sanction to the laws by themselves, or through people chosen
and appointed by them, the method of the choice, as well as the
number of representatives they choose, must be done in such a way so
that the representatives possess, and are highly qualified to make
clearly known, the exact opinions of the People. For, if they
do not know, or are not properly qualified to state the opinions and
desires of the people, the people do not truly govern, and the
sovereignty is thus left in the hands of a few.
It is failures and deficiencies such as these that have led me to
this examination of our government's structure, and the publishing
of my findings in these papers. In my last few editions, I
have begun the daunting task of analyzing closely, the inherent
defects in the structure of the federal legislature. It is
this branch, which in every free government is to be the strongest
branch, which can never receive too much attention in our study.
As discussed previously, the Senate, the aristocratic body in our
government, is constructed on the most disparate foundations.
From this examination of the organization of the federal government,
it appears to me to be self-evident that it is nearly devoid of all
responsibility or accountability to the People, and far from being a
proper half of the legislative branch; it is, in practice, an almost
permanent aristocracy.
The United States Senate, as examined in previous papers, has a
unique combination of legislative, executive, and judicial powers,
which in my opinion, not only clash with each other, but leaves open
too great a possibility of collusion with the other branches to
destroy our liberties.
As a brief review, the Senate is the following:
1. One branch
of the national legislature. In this respect, it possesses
equal powers in all matters with the House of Representatives; as I
regard the right of the House to originate budgetary bills to be
insignificant, since the Senate is needed to concur.
2. A part or branch of the executive. In this respect,
their assent is required for the appointment of ambassadors, the
judiciary, and many other public servants, and for the approval of
treaties.
3. Part of the judicial. In this respect, they form the
court of impeachments. In theory and in reality, the right of
impeachment in the House has held little importance or effect; due
to party alliances, and other outside motivations, the House does
not often expect to convict the transgressor, and has seldom
exercised this right.
Such various, extensive, and important powers, resting in one
small body of people, is inconsistent will all standing maxims of
freedom. In order for the People to safely entrust their
rulers with power, their representatives must be chosen by them,
their power must be adequately limited, they must closely resemble
the wants of the People if they were assembled as a whole, and the
People should be well-acquainted with their abilities to govern with
discernment and justice. The Senate is lacking so greatly in
all these matters that it is dangerous to our freedom and liberty.
We are often told that "we can vote for whomever we please", and
because of this, we will most often elect good people to
government. But, in examining the structure of our
legislature, and more specifically, the Senate, is it truly possible
for the People to elect capable and suitable representatives when
the number comprising it is so small?
Having the ability to vote for whomever we please is a statement
made without proper attention to the reality and facts of our
situation. To explain what I mean by this, it is necessary to
consider three groups of people which are most commonly candidates
for the House and Senate:
1. People who make of the natural aristocracy which was defined
in a previous paper.
2. Popular icons.
3. The vast,
respectable part of our society, who are thoughtful, perceptive, and
just; but because they are not in the public eye, they are most
often disregarded.
As our experience has so plainly shown us, when the people of a
district or state are called upon to choose federal representatives,
they most often give a major portion, if not a large majority, of
their votes to some very famous or popular person. Our
experience has also taught us that the representation in the House,
and even more so in the Senate, is so small compared to the great
population of this nation, that normally very few, if any, of the
third group are ever elected. A person that is well-known
among a few thousand people is most often completely unknown among
much larger numbers; and therefore, it has been found to be almost
entirely impracticable for those people of the third group to
achieve enough popularity and votes to be entrusted with the public
office. Because of this, the federal government has not been a
true representation of the People, but rather, it has been more so
that of an aristocracy, or a group of popular demagogues.
The small numbers in Congress is not the only danger we
experience. Since we draw our elected officials in Congress
from the same groups of people, its bicameral structure itself, upon
an enlightened examination, becomes pure illusion. It is
deceptive to tell a people that they are electors, and can choose
whomever they want, if they cannot, in the reality of the system,
choose people from amongst themselves, and genuinely similar to
themselves; truly representing their interests. Thus, the real
object here is to enlarge the representation in Congress enough so
that a proportional number of the third group will be elected to
office instead of almost entirely the first two. An
appropriate restructuring and enlargement of Congress has the
potential of rendering one branch, the Senate, obsolete. A
further examination and complete details of this structure will be
best examined in a future paper.
The mere existence of an elected branch is in no way an assurance
of free government. In ancient Rome, the people were
despondent, even though they had three branches; consuls, tribunes,
and senators. Their miserable state was mostly
brought upon them because of an improper and feeble
representation. What was the consequence of this paltry
representation? The people of Rome almost always elected for
their representatives, people who were well-known for their military
commands, riches, or other professional popularity; and this did
little to defend them against the machinations of the nobles.
A short summary of the concept that I have attempted to present
here has been that when the legislative branch of government is too
small, the People have no true defense or assurance of liberty, and
they have everything to fear from those who wish to consolidate
power. If they expect, or even hope to find honest and open
political friends in the rich and powerful, they are fools. On
the other hand, create an appropriate democratic branch, held to a
high-level of responsibility to the People, and the power of the
aristocrats in government, as well as the executive, will be
limited. The People will then have very little to fear, and
their liberties will always be secure.
I will continue this examination of the defects of our federal
system in my next paper, on November 17, 2005. In parting, I
am also reminded of the words of Demosthenes, often considered the
greatest orator of ancient Greece:
"That there is one common bulwark with which people of
prudence are naturally provided, the guard and security of all
people, particularly of Free states, against the assaults of
tyrants. What is this? Distrust."
In the spirit of liberty and prosperity,
Franklin